Al Qaeda en la Península Arábiga (AQAP) - Yemen-Arabia Saudí

Foro destinado al estudio de la organización, sus líderes, estrategias y comunicados. AQMI, AQAP, ISIL, Al Shabaab, Al Nusrah Front, AQ en el Sinai, Ansar al Sharia y grupos afiliados

Moderadores: Mod. 2, Mod. 5, Mod. 1, Mod. 4, Mod. 3

Pelayo70
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lo acabo de ver en la CNN.

No es que Yemen sea muy transparente a nivel de medios de comunicación, pero todo hace pensar que ha influido el malestar de la Admon Bush con la puesta en libertad... Badawi atentó contra el USS Cole, y no se librará de pagar por ello.

Saludos
""Puede que no todos los musulmanes sean terroristas, pero últimamente todos los terroristas son musulmanes."
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Esteban
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Si que les ha escocido (cosa lógica)

http://www.worldtribune.com/worldtribun ... _10_29.asp
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Pelayo70
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El cabreo americano con los yemeníes se recoge en este artículo publicado por el yementimes
:x
http://yementimes.com/article.shtml?i=1098&p=front&a=1
""Puede que no todos los musulmanes sean terroristas, pero últimamente todos los terroristas son musulmanes."
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Esteban
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Los tejemanejes de los americanos con los yemeníes tienen que ser curiosos. En esta noticia se dice que cierto paquete de ayudas USA podría estar en el aire según la decisión de Yemen sobre este terrorista.

http://www.news.com.au/story/0,23599,22 ... 98,00.html
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Pelayo70
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Será esto el principio del fin de la ambigua relación entre el Gobierno de Saleh y los EEUU?

extraído del Yementimes online:



Yemen cancels construction contract of five nuclear reactors
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

By: Almigdad Dahesh Mojalli

SANA’A, Oct. 31 – Yemen canceled the initial contract signed between the Ministry of Electricity and Power and the U.S. company Powered Corp. to build five nuclear reactors to generate electricity on Tuesday.

The Yemeni Cabinet refused to endorse the memorandum of understanding, signed on September 24 between Powered Corp. of Houston, Texas and Yemen’s Energy and Electricity Ministry.

The decision was taken after the publication of information stating that the company was not qualified to carry out the project. The information was exposed by Yemeni-American journalist Moneer Al-Mawri, who revealed that the U.S. company with which the Ministry of Electricity has signed the contract is owned by a Yemeni businessman named Jalal Al-Ghani, a friend of Yemen’s electricity minister. Moreover, the Committee of Shares Exchange in the U.S. warned that the status of the company isn’t safe. The committee added that the company is in financial debt and hasn’t completed many projects in its field.

Yemen’s Energy and Electricity Minister, Mustafa Bahran, said last month that a $3 million feasibility study would be jointly funded by the Yemeni government and the U.S. company.

The Anti-corruption Authority sent a message to Prime Minister Ali Mujawar last Sunday asking him to stop all procedures leading to any commitment by the state to any party, including commitments based on participation in cultural, economic and technical studies, until the authority finishes its investigation in this subject.

The head of the authority’s investigation sector sent a message to Bahran, in which he asked for all the documents concerning the initial contract of constructing five nuclear reactors as soon as possible.

The head of the investigation sector expressed his surprise that the Ministry of Electricity didn’t send all the documents related to the agreement immediately after the authority’s first request a month ago.

Yemen had planned to build five nuclear reactors over four years. The aim of the reactors was to increase Yemen’s power capacity to 5,000 megawatts to meet the electricity shortage.

The nuclear energy projects were part of President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s re-election program. Saleh, who has backed the Arab world’s right to acquire nuclear technology for peaceful ends, has invited the private sector to participate in renewable energy activities in Yemen and agreed to buy electric stations constructed by foreign or local firms.

Wind power instead of nuclear power

The Cabinet’s decision does not prevent the Minister of Electricity and Energy from signing a memorandum of understanding with Ken Johns, board chairman of the British Manj Company, with the aim of generating wind power in Yemen.

In its report, Yemen’s Saba News Agency said that according to the memo, the company will conduct a feasibility study regarding the generation of 1,000 megawatts of electricity by means of wind power in forthcoming years. The memo also mentioned that the company will offer suggestions regarding supply according to the study results.

Bahran pointed out the importance of this study to enable his ministry to implement wind-generated power projects, adding that the World Bank has carried out such a study for generating wind power in Mokha with a capacity of 15 megawatts.

For his part, Johns expressed his aspiration to invest in this field in Yemen, noting that the feasibility study will clarify cost, price and time of implementing the project.
""Puede que no todos los musulmanes sean terroristas, pero últimamente todos los terroristas son musulmanes."
Pelayo70
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En terra noticias se informa acerca de un nuevo sabotaje de un oleducto, cómo no en la Provincia de Marib.
""Puede que no todos los musulmanes sean terroristas, pero últimamente todos los terroristas son musulmanes."
Pelayo70
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:? ...quise decir oleoducto, je,je

Por cierto el Tribunal de la Seguridad del Estado ha condenado en rebeldía a estos tres pájaros, pertenecientes a AQ en Yemen:


Qasem al Rimi,
Naser al Wahshi
Hamza al Qayeti

los tres, junto con otros tantos, estuvieron implicados en el asesinato de turistas españoles en Marib, en julio de 2007.

Éstos han sido condenados a penas de cárcel de entre 12 y 15 años por la planificación de otros dos atentados perpetrados en septiembre de 2006 contra una refinería en Marib y depósitos de petróleo en Hadramaut.

También planificaron ataques contra hoteles y lugares turísticos, así como contra ciudadanos y diplomáticos de países occidentales en Sana'a, entre los que se encontraba el antiguo Embajador estadounidense.

Los tres, como digo, siguen en libertad, junto a otros de igual pelaje... y lo digo para aquéllos "aventureros" que estén dispuestos a viajar a Yemen, concretamente a Marib.
""Puede que no todos los musulmanes sean terroristas, pero últimamente todos los terroristas son musulmanes."
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Esteban
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Por qué Mareb es visto como un santuario de Al Qaeda. Buen link

http://www.yobserver.com/front-page/10013210.html
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Esteban
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Nuevo análisis de la Fundación Jamestown sobre al Qaeda en Yemen
New Generation of al-Qaeda on Trial in Yemen

The recently concluded trial of 36 suspected Islamist militants in Yemen was followed by prosecutors demanding harsher sentences, militants claiming torture, the proliferation of domestic conspiracy theories and, most intriguingly, a quickly-released al-Qaeda video that claimed credit for the September 2006 bombings for which the men were standing trial.

That bombing, against oil targets in the Marib and Hadramut provinces, was in retrospect the first strike of an intergenerational war between a younger, more radicalized faction of al-Qaeda in Yemen and their more cautious elders. The strike was a predicator of a series of attacks that reached their apex with the July 2007 suicide bombing of a group of Spanish tourists. The way the government and al-Qaeda have reacted to each other’s moves since then is a good indicator of the future of radicalism in Yemen.

The attacks were to be carried out with explosive-rigged cars against oil industry targets, but were thwarted by security forces, which blew up the vehicles before they reached their mark. Of the 36 men on trial for the bombing, six were tried in absentia. All but four were convicted. The fugitives tried in absentia included Kasim al-Raimi and Ibrahim al-Huwaidi, two of the most-wanted militants in Yemen (AFP, November 7). Though the charges were somewhat prosaic-sounding, such as “breach of the peace” and “conspiracy to attack” (Yemen Observer, November 10), the men were all tried in a special court for suspected terrorists (News Yemen, November 7).

The conduct of the trial represented a marked difference in procedure for the Yemeni government, which often employs such tactics as co-opting Islamic militants by using moderate preachers to teach the error of violent jihad. But these tactics seemingly will not work against a generation of Islamists, who were battle-hardened in Iraq and further radicalized in Yemeni prisons—many of the men either directly or tangentially involved in the September attacks were part of the massive February 2006 escape of 23 convicted terrorists from a Political Security Organization prison in the capital of Sana’a.

The trial was met with outrage on both sides—some defendants protesting undue harshness (though others thanked God for this slice of martyrdom) and prosecutors claiming the 2-15-year sentences handed down were far too lenient (Australian Broadcasting Corporation, November 8). There was also scattered conspiratorial talk, as one of the men acquitted, Hussein al-Tharhani, was a bodyguard of prominent politician and former presidential candidate Faisal bin Shamlan (Yemen Times, September 19, 2006). Bin Shamlan’s political formation, the Joint Meetings Parties (JMP), tried to distance themselves from the suspect by claiming that they asked al-Tharhani to resign shortly before the bombings after discovering he was a state intelligence agent (Yemen Times, September 19, 2006).

In response, al-Qaeda in Yemen released a videotape in which they took credit for the 2006 attacks and vowed more strikes against the United States and Yemen. The tape called the attacks a success and also called on Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh to “repent” and “renounce democracy, the religion of America” (Reuters, November 8, 2006). The tape concluded with one of the men involved in the September 2006 attacks reading his will and footage of young operatives in training.

This tape helps illustrate marked differences between generations of al-Qaeda in Yemen. The speed with which the tape was released showed how much more media-savvy, technically proficient and organized the younger jihadis are. The older generation, while passionate about global jihad, was more concerned with local matters, and more willing to play by the time-honored Yemeni rules of bargaining and negotiating in order to keep Saleh from destroying their safe haven. Not so with the new generation—they willingly criticize Saleh harshly, and seem immune to the lure of the negotiation room. Their tape, with its last testaments and training footage, echoes similar videos produced in Iraq—the battlefield in which the teeth of this new generation were cut.

This new wave of al-Qaeda in Yemen is concerned with both the near enemy and the far one, and will fight on both fronts—attacking both foreign and domestic interests in Yemen. President Saleh convinced the older generation that hurting Yemen would only hurt their broader cause, and thus was able to persuade them to lay low at home. But this new group has, with breath-taking rapidity, changed the rules and Saleh will have to continue to adapt if he is to keep his fragile country, already beset by numerous economic and social concerns, from splintering further.

Brian O'Neill is an independent political analyst based out of Chicago, and is a former reporter for the Yemen Observer.
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Esteban
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Teníamos un poco olvidado a Yemen
Yemen's Intifada
By Featured WriterJanuary 2, 2008 12:01 PM

Jane Novak looks at the internal problems in Yemen on the Arabian Peninsula. Recent unrest may signal a renewed round of fighting and perhaps civil war.


Imagen
Demonstrators gather in Radfan, Yemen October 14, 2007, the day after four protest organizers were killed. Click to view

Yemen is facing instability unseen since its 1994 civil war. A war with Shiite rebels in the northern Sa’ada province left over 50,000 internal refugees. The rebellion ended in June but threatens to re-ignite as neither side has fully implemented the cease-fire conditions. The political and economic marginalization of vast segments of society contributed to the rebellion as did endemic governmental corruption, lack of basic services and draconian security measures. These factors are also the catalyst for widespread protests in southern Yemen, some of which attracted over 100,000 protesters. Ten protesters were killed, allegedly by security forces, and many were beaten and arrested.

Hegemony not integration

Unrest in southern Yemen has its roots in northern hegemony following the 1990 unification of North and South Yemen. The Yemeni Socialist Party (YSP), which formerly ruled the south, was marginalized following Yemen's 1994 civil war. Dr. Aidroos Naser al Naqeeb, head of the YSP’s Parliamentary block, said, “The YSP Central Committee indicated that the South was treated as the spoils of war including land, people, companies and wealth. The YSP also noted the violence against the current protesters reflects the type of politics which has dominated after the outcome of the war.”

Post-war reconciliation between North and South was thwarted by the corruption among the northern oligarchy and by the installation of President Saleh’s relatives in many top military and security posts. Successive constitutional amendments centralized power in the executive, leading to a de facto merger between the ruling party and the state, both headed by Saleh.

Since May, protests spread across Aden, Dhalie, Lahj, Abyan, Shabwa, and Hadramout, organized by former southern military officers. They claim they were punitively discharged following the civil war at stipends well below sustenance level. Civil and military southern pensioners number over 100,000. Broader southern grievances include the appropriation and theft of commercial, residential, and public land by powerful northerners. State employment is an area of perceived systematic discrimination. Ubiquitous military camps and checkpoints are another sore spot.

Broad discontent finds its voice

Civil unrest in the south triggered a national outpouring of discontent. Thousands of protesters in Taiz held aloft water bottles and bread. In the oil producing Marib governorate, demonstrators demanded a share of oil revenue, jobs and development funding. In Amran, north of the capital, ten thousand tribesmen demanded governmental reform. Teachers, students, doctors, pharmacists, trade unions, unemployed youth, journalists and kidney patients have held individual and sometimes joint protests in the capital, Sana’a.

One common complaint among the various interest groups is rising prices. Inflation in the poverty stricken nation was over 20 percent in 2006. Hoarding by the domestic wheat monopoly exacerbated international price increases on wheat in 2007, and higher priced loaves of bread shrank in size. Cooking gas cylinders increased in price from YR400 to YR1000.

Discontent also stems from the failure to fully implement the 2005 Wages Strategy, intended to buffer a reduction in oil subsidies. The reform dose was to be accompanied by corruption control and a reduction in governmental spending. However, an YR278 billion supplemental 2007 budget appropriation was pegged to the costs of the northern rebellion, continued oil subsidies and the extra month salary promised to government workers during President Saleh’s presidential campaign. The regime reinstated the draft to counter unemployment, although many citizens complain of being excluded from military service by domicile. Few top officials were prosecuted for misconduct although corruption takes 23 percent of the national budget.


ImagenNovember 30, demonstration in Aden, Yemen.

Predictable Response

Despite the high tenor of demands for relief and reform, Saleh’s regime is responding with the same tactics that spurred the unrest. Riot police fired live rounds and deployed tear gas and water cannons against protesters. Dozens of oppositionists were arrested including the YSP’s Hassan Ba-oom and head of the military pensioners association, General Nasser Al-Nawbah. Both were charged with treason and faced the death penalty, launching another round of protests. The pair was later released; however twenty other political leaders arrested. Hundreds remain in prison following the Sa’ada War, including children.

The non-governmental media is under assault. Journalist Abdulkarim al Khaiwani faces the death penalty for publishing war news that “demoralized the military”. Security forces prevented Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya reporters from covering the southern protests. The YSP’s news website was blocked. Conversely, the regime uses the broadcast media to stir public sentiment, airing an Eid sermon that declared the protesting retirees no longer Muslims.

President Saleh is also attempting to manage public sentiment by promising reform and restitution; however public trust is extremely low. Eight thousand southern officers were reinstated. Colonel Naser Saleh Abdul Qawi reported that one condition of reinstatement was a pledge to foreswear peaceful political activity. Saleh proposed constitutional amendments to enhance local rule, but a recent electoral "reform" stacked the electoral commission in favor of the president's omnipotent ruling party. In a Ramadan speech, Saleh downplayed the “fabricated crisis”. However, presidential advisor and former Prime Minister, Abdel Bajammal threatened to revoke a weapons ban and re-arm the northern citizenry to face the southern protesters.

Despite regional polarization, northern monopolization of military assets makes civil war unlikely. If oil production drops sharply, as predicted, nationwide discontent will increase. However, a disorganized, splintered citizenry decreases the risk of revolution. Yemen’s opposition parties have yet to establish internal process of representation. Yemen's 2009 parliamentary elections may unify the citizenry in rejectionism if the process is as unfair as the last presidential election. If instability increases, military commanders may move to protect their interests through a coup.
http://www.longwarjournal.org/archives/ ... tifada.php
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